A friend asked for my reaction to the recent
New Yorker profile on Diane Ravitch. In a sentence, my reaction is,
Diane Ravitch is one of the most sensible people working in ed policy today and
people should listen to her. There are a
lot of reasons that people spend more time poking and undermining Ravitch than
debating her on her actual points, mostly having to do with her evolving views
and corresponding shifts in allegiance.
Denby’s article seems to try to simultaneously tell the story of this
intellectual journey and provide clarity about the important debates in ed
policy. I think Denby had good
intentions (he titled the piece “Public Defender”), and I am glad more people
will learn about Ravitch’s clear-headed crusade. However, many of the attacks on Ravitch are politically
motivated and because the article does an inadequate job teasing out the ideological
and political strands of these debates, it is likely to confuse many
people.
The most
oft-cited critique of Ravitch is her “flip-flopping.” I find this criticism stupid and
dangerous. The challenge of educating
the public in a democracy HAS NEVER BEEN MET SUCCESSFULLY. If you were trying to build a self-propelled
car and over a century had never succeeded, why in God’s name would you choose
to support those thinkers who wanted to keep trying the same idea? My support would be behind those people who
still felt passionately about reaching the goal, and were willing to admit
defeat when an idea did not work. The
goal, as I see it, is to continue to increase the likelihood that any child
born anywhere in this country can become an independent-minded critical thinker
who approaches the world with a useful skill set and a sense of efficacy about
their lives. Ravitch has believed in
this vision of education throughout her career and her critiques of the reform
movement’s ability to get there are cogent.
In the words of Abraham Lincoln, “I do not think much a man who is not
wiser today than he was yesterday.” The
inability of collective political consciousness to accept that smart people
change their mind may be inevitable, but there is no reason that Denby needs to
add to this collective failure in thinking with phrases such as: “Yet irony
abounded in what she said. Less than a
decade ago, she was one of the ‘they’ she denounced in her speech.” David Denby, I used to like clam chowder and
now I don’t. When I refuse clam chowder
these days, that is not irony, and neither is Ravitch’s speech to the AFT.
While I
believe Ravitch has been upfront about the reasons for her changing behaviors,
the reform movement has been much less willing to explore and critique its own
ties to privatization. I believe that
most reformers have good intentions, and even that many of them do not see
their movement as opening the door of public education to private
companies. Nevertheless, they are. For just one example, read
this letter from
top Michigan educators about federal money being awarded to the nefarious EAA
in their state. Denby gives voice to
Ravitch’s denial that education is at the historical nadir that reformers
insist on, but seems to undermine her point about privatization. Near the beginning of the article, he writes
that Ravitch is “barnstorming” the reform movement “which she calls a
‘privitization’ movement.” It’s not an egregious misreprentation, but by
omitting any evidence supporting this quite reasonable view, Denby’s article
seems more eager to characterize Ravitch as a firebrand than an important voice
in this crucial debate.
But maybe I
protest too much. It’s true that Ravitch
has always liked to be out on one limb or another, and her enthusiasm for the
union is a bit discomforting given the real problem with “dead weight” in our
teaching corps. And here I think
Ravitch’s political manuveuring sets her up for caricaturist portrayals. Again, however, I sense that she has a more
laudable keel than the Rhees and the Kleins.
Assuming, as I do, that Ravitch’s goal for education is that talented,
experienced educators hold the helm, the union is a necessary liability. Too many times, politicians have turned to
quick fixes that move the control panels of instruction further and further
from the hands of the only qualified technicians, experienced teachers. While I am often embarrassed by the teachers in my union
(e.g. squawking over coming in a day before students arrived back from Sandy,
etc.), if I have to choose I’m going to give teachers and not private industry
a seat at the decision-making table. If
Denby wanted to talk about irony, he could have chosen “parent-trigger”
initiatives that give parents the “power” to give control of the schools to
private companies, thereby further disenfranchising themselves.
Aside from
privatization, Ravitch’s other major critique of the reform movement is its
insistence on standardized tests for evaluating students and Value-Added
Measures for evaluating teachers. Here
is where it might have been better for the New
Yorker to assign an education journalist to this story. Among educators, there is a robust
conversation happening about the ways in which we might assess students outside
of standardized tests. Here in New York
City, Shael Polokow-Suransky has spearheaded a very exciting new assessment
system that fairly quantifies a student’s ability based on “performance-based”
projects such as researched essays. When
assessments are skill-based and embedded in a rich curriculum, the distinction
between “teaching” and “testing” begins to fade. A student learns as they are assessed. This new model of gauging the success of our
schools is already off to a promising start and if it can gain traction I
believe it will completely reframe the testing/teaching debate. Of course, it will require experienced
educators to succeed, and so we need policies whose goal is to keep our most
talented teachers in control of curriculum.
My final
critique of the article is Denby’s very misleading treatment of the Common
Core. He writes, “The standards, …
require that all students read, for example, ‘Macbeth,’ and ‘The Grapes of Wrath’
by the end of tenth grade…” This is a
dangerous mischaracterization. First of
all, teachers are not mandated to teach specific texts. The purpose of the suggested texts is to
maintain rigor for all students, but any good teacher would scaffold or build
to this goal and not just drop Steinbeck’s tome on a fourteen-year-old’s desk
as the quote seems to suggest. Secondly,
the Common Core standards are most notable for requiring ELA teachers to
include more nonfiction. This quote
seems designed to ruffle the feathers of those who think education should
provide “useful information,” i.e. not fiction, and that change is well
underway thanks to the Common Core.
Lastly, Denby does not mention the CCSS as they relate to the union but
it’s worth noting that the unions are not by and large opposed to the standards. On his blog
Eduwonk, Andrew
Rotherham writes, The past few weeks I’ve heard on numerous occasions about the
teachers unions ‘opposition’ to Common Core as if it’s just an obvious
fact. I’m not sure where this is coming from, but overall they’re not
opposed, they’re on board with the new standards and in some places/ways trying
to help on the implementation…” The
challenge of how to effectively implement the new standards and how they will
impact the system is complicated and very interesting, but Denby’s one
throwaway comment about the CCSS is misleading and offers no context for this
significant aspect of the conversation.